remove themselves from this violation of Ecuadorian territory," he said.

In response, Colombia yesterday invited the UN and regional overseer, the Organisation of American States, to verify the files. Neither organisation has responded publicly so far.

Anecdotal evidence exists that suggests Venezuela has provided weapons, shelter and financial support to Colombia's rebel army; defectors have spoken of receiving co-operation from some members of the Venezuelan military. If the computer documents prove the rebels' connection with Chavez, it will give ammunition to those who have questioned his integrity and see him as little more than an opportunist thug, a Castro with fewer ideals and more money.

To thicken the plot, President Correa said on Monday that his ministers had indeed met with FARC commanders - but only to broker a release of high-profile hostages, including Ingrid Betancourt, who was snatched in 2002 when she was campaigning for the presidency of Colombia. Correa said Uribe was aware of Ecuador's involvement in the

efforts to free Betancourt, who is known to be in poor health, and that by sanctioning the raid into Ecuador to kill Reyes, Uribe had proved himself "a traitor".

Meanwhile, French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner said the death of Reyes was "bad news" because he had been France's contact in its efforts to free Betancourt, who is a French citizen. Not to be outdone, Hugo Chavez's government also said he had been close on several occasions to a deal to free Betancourt.

Of course, Betancourt's liberation would have been a major coup for either of Colombia's leftist neighbours. Some observers believe Uribe could not afford to let either Chavez or Correa succeed, whatever the consequences.

Others argue that the raid may have been worth any price to Uribe. He can now pull back from this surgical strike at the heart of the FARC, and reap the rewards of his boldest move yet as president. Opinion polls show 85 per cent of Colombians supported the raid.