Brown's past catches up with him
Gordon Brown has a very long past indeed and it's littered with the bloodied but breathing bodies of those he crossed on his way to the job he wanted rather too much, writes Lance Price. Some, such as Frank Field, had cherished but expensive policies vetoed by the then chancellor. Others, like John Prescott, remember his intolerable bad manners with supposed colleagues. A few, such as Lord Levy, question his veracity. Rather more, like Cherie Blair, resent his failure to support her husband at crucial moments. Many, many others who will probably never write books just recall him being hurtfully rude or dismissive for no good reason. As a result he has very little loyalty in the bank and at times he must wish he'd retained a bit more of it. It would have earned some useful interest.
Lance Price Daily Telegraph
2010 - a good election to lose
One cabinet minister says that the choice for 2010 is now "between losing and getting slaughtered", writes Jonathan Freedland. It might actually be better for Brown to lose next time than to cling on for a Majoresque fourth term. It's quite clear that the party now needs to have an internal debate about its very purpose - a debate it missed last year by skipping straight to Brown - and that is precisely what a spell in opposition is for. Besides, a defeat in 2010 would be recoverable: it could be like 1970, with Labour returning four years later. But if the party were to soldier on, as Major did, 2015 would bring a massacre that would exile Labour for a generation. That would be bad for Labour - and worse for the country.
Jonathan Freedland The Guardian
No protest against Hezbollah
British bien-pensant opinion - so vocal in its opposition to Israeli actions in Lebanon in 2006 - is strangely silent about the recent outrages, says Dean Godson. Why? After all, Hezbollah is one of the world's most ruthless clerical fascist organisations - complete with ersatz Nazi salutes and Iranian-style Holocaust denial. When the legitimate, democratic Government of Lebanon dared to challenge it, Hezbollah went on a sectarian rampage, murdering scores of opponents. Yet there has been not a peep from the concerned humanitarians of the Stop the War Coalition, which boasted of putting 100,000 people on to the streets to protest against Israeli assaults. So why does Hezbollah's putsch of 2008 not excite stern criticism - as did Israel's invasion of 2006? It's simple: many "progressives" hate Israeli and Western policy far more than they love Lebanon.
Dean Godson The Times
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Obama's weakness for Israel
An awareness of how many people around the world see the US is the bedrock on which Barack Obama's approach to foreign policy is built, writes Jonathan Steele. It is the opposite of the naive self-image of the US as a beacon on the hill. But although he repeatedly outlines a general principle that the US should talk to every important player without preconditions, he does not apply this in the Middle East. In 2006, Obama blamed Hezbollah for the war with Israel and did not join the appeals for Israel to accept a ceasefire. Last month he criticised Jimmy Carter for talking to Hamas. "We must not negotiate with a terrorist group intent on Israel's destruction," he said. Past presidents have greater freedom than future presidents, apparently. So the big questions remain: does Obama really want to change US foreign policy and can he, if he does? Jonathan Steele The Guardian
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Whilst Burmese die
Over a million civilians are at risk as a direct result of decisions made by a dictatorial government that places pride and security ahead of the care of its people, says Simon Jenkins. What is it about Burma? The very same politicians who spent the past seven years declaring the virtue of intervening wherever the mood took them are now, if not tongue-tied, hands-tied. Where are the buccaneers of Bosnia, the crusaders of Kosovo, the bravehearts who rescued Sierra Leone from its rebels, the Afghans from the Taliban and the Iraqis from Saddam Hussein? Overnight they have become signed-up members of the "you-can't-solve-all-the-world's-problems" party. Offending national sovereignty is apparently fine when it involves oil, opium, Islam or a macho yearning to boast "regime change". It is not to be contemplated when it is just a matter of saving hundreds of thousands of lives. Simon Jenkins The Guardian
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